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- 司马光的政治思想
- 作者：顾全芳 来源：河南大学学报(哲学社会科学版) 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 司马光 王安石变法 政治思想 守旧派 教化 宋神宗 吕惠卿 顽固派 宋仁宗 仁政
- 描述：看出司马光反对王安石变法的真正原因,笔者将感到欣慰。
- 从《宋论》看王船山关于“陋宋”的观点——兼论船山的政治思想
- 作者：关文发 来源：船山学刊 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 政治思想 王船山 船山学 王安石 宋太祖 观点 十七世纪 熙宁变法 唯物主义 爱国主义者
- 描述：因“陋”而使国敝,先陷于女真,终亡于蒙古,溃决了“华夷之大防”。显然,这是他联系到当时明亡于清的现实,有感而发。本文拟从他在《宋论》中提出的关于“陋宋”的观点,作一些考察,进而对他的政治思想作一些探
- “实践”应是三个要素
- 作者：王孝哲 来源：社会科学杂志 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 实践活动 基本要素 实践过程 三个要素 良同志 过程性 物质性 社会科学 实践主体 包含
- 描述：赖金良同志在《社会科学》1983年第12期上发表了《关于“实践要素”的商榷》一文,认为“实践”不等于“实践过程”,“实践”只包含目的性和物质性两个基本要素。我不同意这种观点。我认为,实践本来就
- 实践也应是辩证逻辑研究的范畴
- 作者：梁映东 来源：复印报刊资料(逻辑) 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章
- 描述：实践也应是辩证逻辑研究的范畴
- 李觏的政治和法治思想
- 作者：姜国柱 来源：辽宁大学学报(哲学社会科学版) 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 法治思想 北宋中期 思想主张 朴素唯物主义 庆历新政 官吏 内忧外患 范仲淹 政治思想 积贫积弱
- 描述：势.由于阶级矛盾和民族矛盾的尖锐化,因此使当权的统治者无法摆脱内忧外患的惨境. 面对当时的政治危机,一些有识之士和开明的思想家,则要求
- 实践探索-谈舞剧《牡丹亭》的舞美设计
- 作者：赵善富 来源：舞蹈研究 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章
- 描述：实践探索-谈舞剧《牡丹亭》的舞美设计
- 重视实践 勇于探索——简介周鸣岐的学术思想
- 作者：周升平 周惠君 陈景荣 来源：辽宁中医杂志 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 学术思想 多种疾病 生发饮 皮肤科 各家学说 中医基本理论 大连市 辽宁省 科研成果 山东省
- 描述：善于忙中抽暇,挤时间撰写医案;他写的论文现在已经有40余篇在全国各地医刊发表.
- 读陆游记梦诗-兼论梦与文学创作的关系
- 作者：吴长庚 来源：上饶师专学报(社会科学版) 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 记梦 陆游 无意识 曹雪芹 梦境 生活经验 汤显祖 文学创作 形象 象征
- 描述：为全书的总纲。鲁迅先生也是写梦的
- 「学案」体裁产生的思想背景：从李绂的「陆子学谱」谈起
- 作者：黄进兴 来源：汉学研究 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章
- 描述： historiography. In this essay, I will try to clarify how Huang's work departs from the older, more traditional styles used by historical analysts. Specifically, the Ming-ju will be examined from the vantage of precendent-in particular, the degree to which it follows the modes of presentation employed by the "intellectual geneaologies" (hsueh-pu or, yuan-yuan lu) and, the extent to which it departs from tradition by transforming content rather than form. For many, the rise of the school of Wang Yang-ming during the sixteenth century signalled not only a revival of the teachings of Lu Hsiang-shan but also rekindled the intense debates of almost forgotten issues previously argued by those who adhered to the school of Chu Hsi and those who held to the theories of Lu Hsiang-shan. From the middle-Ming period onward, however, the conflicts generated by these two schools of thought began to extend well beyond the realm of academic argument. As both Chan Chien and Ku Yen-wu noted, their bickering began to influence such extra-intellectual areas as how the civil-service examinations should be organized. As these conflicts continued to broaden and to deepen, both schools felt impelled to strengthen their philosophical positions and to purify the accounts of their intellectual origins. As such, the construction of an "intellectual geneaology" became a major device used either to undermine the "legitimacy" of the learning of the opposition or to explain how the contending school had, indeed, inherited the transmission of the true Way. Since this sort of approach encouraged a strong sense of faction-spirit, it was only a question of time until it would be deemed biased. And, it was precisely because of the unevenness in evaluating issues exhibited by these compilations that Huang Tsung-hsi felt compelled to compose the "Philosophical Records"--a work at once noteworthy for its ability to bring impartiality and objectivity to historical analysis. Yet, if the "Philosophical Records" is juxtaposed against the "geneaologies" the difference between these two works tends to pale when one realizes that the compositional style employed by both is, essentially, the same. Here, the "Philosophical Records" can hardly be viewed as presenting one with a radical departure from precedent. Rather, Huang's work derives its import from the refreshing non-partisan approach it brings to the analysis of historical issues. Instead of writing intellectual history with a view toward proving various predetermined value-judgments, the "Philosophical Records" uses exposition to explore the multifarious realms that inform "historical reality" in all its variety and fullness.