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- 李觏的人才学思想初探
- 作者：孔祥华 来源：华南师范大学学报(社会科学版) 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 人才学 李觏 选贤 康国济民 贤才 王安石 思想 革新精神 北宋中期 尊重人才
- 描述：文.”(《王谦序》)所著被誉为“琅琅金石,光芒万丈”的“医国之书”.(《王(纟京)序》及《前言》)
- 欧阳修的《吉州学记》
- 作者：黄庆来 来源：江西教育 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 吉州 学记 欧阳修 州学 兴学运动 “庆历新政 范仲淹 “新政” 北宋 晏殊
- 描述： 北宋有三次兴学运动。欧阳修的《吉州学记》是第一次兴学运动的产物。据史书记载,“自五代以来,天下学校废坏”。北宋建立后,首倡兴学的是晏殊。1027年,他知应天(今南京),即创州学,“且延范仲淹以教生
- 李觏的政治和法治思想
- 作者：姜国柱 来源：辽宁大学学报(哲学社会科学版) 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 法治思想 北宋中期 思想主张 朴素唯物主义 庆历新政 官吏 内忧外患 范仲淹 政治思想 积贫积弱
- 描述：势.由于阶级矛盾和民族矛盾的尖锐化,因此使当权的统治者无法摆脱内忧外患的惨境. 面对当时的政治危机,一些有识之士和开明的思想家,则要求
- 李觏经济思想刍议
- 作者：穆朝庆 来源：史学月刊 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 李觏 农商关系 康国济民 北宋中期 商品经济 地主经济 宋真宗 官僚地主 重赋税 均田
- 描述：觏出生在江西建昌军南城一个破落的衣冠之家。少年时代他发愤攻读,常常鸡鸣而起,更深不眠。既把富贵寓于读书之中,又把康国济民作为誓志不逾的夙愿。仁宗天圣九年(1031年),二十三岁的李
- 李觏经济思想简论
- 作者：朱盛昌 来源：江西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版) 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 官僚地主 李觏 庆历新政 地主阶级 农民起义 强本节用 北宋中叶 北宋王朝 民族矛盾 王安石变法
- 描述：对这种政治局势,一些代表中小地主利益的思想家,为缓和阶级矛盾,挽救封建王朝的政治、经济
- 李觏经济思想三题
- 作者：宁裕先 来源：河南师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版) 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 李觏 经济思想 三题 北宋中期 王安石 致太平 中小地主 均田 赋税 兼并者
- 描述：、赋税、财用三方面的主张来探讨他的经济思想.一、"农本"与均田思想
- 「学案」体裁产生的思想背景：从李绂的「陆子学谱」谈起
- 作者：黄进兴 来源：汉学研究 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章
- 描述： historiography. In this essay, I will try to clarify how Huang's work departs from the older, more traditional styles used by historical analysts. Specifically, the Ming-ju will be examined from the vantage of precendent-in particular, the degree to which it follows the modes of presentation employed by the "intellectual geneaologies" (hsueh-pu or, yuan-yuan lu) and, the extent to which it departs from tradition by transforming content rather than form. For many, the rise of the school of Wang Yang-ming during the sixteenth century signalled not only a revival of the teachings of Lu Hsiang-shan but also rekindled the intense debates of almost forgotten issues previously argued by those who adhered to the school of Chu Hsi and those who held to the theories of Lu Hsiang-shan. From the middle-Ming period onward, however, the conflicts generated by these two schools of thought began to extend well beyond the realm of academic argument. As both Chan Chien and Ku Yen-wu noted, their bickering began to influence such extra-intellectual areas as how the civil-service examinations should be organized. As these conflicts continued to broaden and to deepen, both schools felt impelled to strengthen their philosophical positions and to purify the accounts of their intellectual origins. As such, the construction of an "intellectual geneaology" became a major device used either to undermine the "legitimacy" of the learning of the opposition or to explain how the contending school had, indeed, inherited the transmission of the true Way. Since this sort of approach encouraged a strong sense of faction-spirit, it was only a question of time until it would be deemed biased. And, it was precisely because of the unevenness in evaluating issues exhibited by these compilations that Huang Tsung-hsi felt compelled to compose the "Philosophical Records"--a work at once noteworthy for its ability to bring impartiality and objectivity to historical analysis. Yet, if the "Philosophical Records" is juxtaposed against the "geneaologies" the difference between these two works tends to pale when one realizes that the compositional style employed by both is, essentially, the same. Here, the "Philosophical Records" can hardly be viewed as presenting one with a radical departure from precedent. Rather, Huang's work derives its import from the refreshing non-partisan approach it brings to the analysis of historical issues. Instead of writing intellectual history with a view toward proving various predetermined value-judgments, the "Philosophical Records" uses exposition to explore the multifarious realms that inform "historical reality" in all its variety and fullness.