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- 注重习行的教育家颜元
- 作者：邵祖德 来源：人民教育 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 颜元 教育家 学校教育 中国教育史 思想发展 陆九渊 王守仁 农业劳动 少年时期 陆王
- 描述：喜兵术。24岁时,读《陆王语要》等书,以为“圣道尽在是矣”。从此笃信陆九渊、王守仁的学说。不久,读到
- 欧阳修的《吉州学记》
- 作者：黄庆来 来源：江西教育 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 吉州 学记 欧阳修 州学 兴学运动 “庆历新政 范仲淹 “新政” 北宋 晏殊
- 描述： 北宋有三次兴学运动。欧阳修的《吉州学记》是第一次兴学运动的产物。据史书记载,“自五代以来,天下学校废坏”。北宋建立后,首倡兴学的是晏殊。1027年,他知应天(今南京),即创州学,“且延范仲淹以教生
- 肺不张性假肿瘤的发病机理和名称学
- 作者：暂无 来源：国外医学(呼吸系统分册) 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章
- 描述：肺不张性假肿瘤的发病机理和名称学
- 肺不张性假肿瘤的发病机理及名称学
- 作者：杨洁萍 来源：国际呼吸杂志 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 肺不张 假肿瘤 肺梗塞 深吸气 包裹性积液 胸膜积液 支气管扩张 发病机理 形成 纤维素
- 描述：肺炎、肺梗塞等在吸收能力减低时,可导致长期的包裹性胸膜积液伴胸膜反应,与纤维素性胸膜炎相似。2.胸膜壁层、脏层以及叶间胸膜的局部的增厚产生继发性胸膜下肺不张。3.随着积液的浓缩,纤维素被析出,形成粘连,而不张性肺组积则部分固定于增厚的胸膜上,4.接着发生收缩,使肺不张加剧,并通过一定的牵拉作用使支气管及血管向病变移位,尤以在病变下缘明显,部分由于此区域血管及支气管的特殊分布,部分则由于卷入无气的肺组织所致。但在病变的上缘可见血管及支气管向病变方向移位,呈“葱皮状”排列。5。经过继续收缩及粘连,不张的肺组织可卷入,且包裹性积液亦被包入;裂隙形成血管与支气管的变形以及支气管扩张均可发生。6.
- 「学案」体裁产生的思想背景：从李绂的「陆子学谱」谈起
- 作者：黄进兴 来源：汉学研究 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章
- 描述： historiography. In this essay, I will try to clarify how Huang's work departs from the older, more traditional styles used by historical analysts. Specifically, the Ming-ju will be examined from the vantage of precendent-in particular, the degree to which it follows the modes of presentation employed by the "intellectual geneaologies" (hsueh-pu or, yuan-yuan lu) and, the extent to which it departs from tradition by transforming content rather than form. For many, the rise of the school of Wang Yang-ming during the sixteenth century signalled not only a revival of the teachings of Lu Hsiang-shan but also rekindled the intense debates of almost forgotten issues previously argued by those who adhered to the school of Chu Hsi and those who held to the theories of Lu Hsiang-shan. From the middle-Ming period onward, however, the conflicts generated by these two schools of thought began to extend well beyond the realm of academic argument. As both Chan Chien and Ku Yen-wu noted, their bickering began to influence such extra-intellectual areas as how the civil-service examinations should be organized. As these conflicts continued to broaden and to deepen, both schools felt impelled to strengthen their philosophical positions and to purify the accounts of their intellectual origins. As such, the construction of an "intellectual geneaology" became a major device used either to undermine the "legitimacy" of the learning of the opposition or to explain how the contending school had, indeed, inherited the transmission of the true Way. Since this sort of approach encouraged a strong sense of faction-spirit, it was only a question of time until it would be deemed biased. And, it was precisely because of the unevenness in evaluating issues exhibited by these compilations that Huang Tsung-hsi felt compelled to compose the "Philosophical Records"--a work at once noteworthy for its ability to bring impartiality and objectivity to historical analysis. Yet, if the "Philosophical Records" is juxtaposed against the "geneaologies" the difference between these two works tends to pale when one realizes that the compositional style employed by both is, essentially, the same. Here, the "Philosophical Records" can hardly be viewed as presenting one with a radical departure from precedent. Rather, Huang's work derives its import from the refreshing non-partisan approach it brings to the analysis of historical issues. Instead of writing intellectual history with a view toward proving various predetermined value-judgments, the "Philosophical Records" uses exposition to explore the multifarious realms that inform "historical reality" in all its variety and fullness.