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- “实践”应是三个要素
- 作者：王孝哲 来源：社会科学杂志 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 实践活动 基本要素 实践过程 三个要素 良同志 过程性 物质性 社会科学 实践主体 包含
- 描述：赖金良同志在《社会科学》1983年第12期上发表了《关于“实践要素”的商榷》一文,认为“实践”不等于“实践过程”,“实践”只包含目的性和物质性两个基本要素。我不同意这种观点。我认为,实践本来就
- 应是“提弥明”
- 作者：朱良骥 来源：读书杂志 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 晏子春秋 中华书局 内篇 集释 饮酒 无为 赵盾 颜色 大夫 第二
- 描述：《晏子春秋集释》(中华书局版)《内篇谏上第一·景公饮酒酣愿诸大夫无为礼晏子谏第二》;“觞三行,遂罢酒”的注文说:……孔《疏》又云:“言侍君小燕之礼,唯已止三爵,颜色和说而油然说敬,故《春秋左氏传》云:‘侍君宴过三
- 哲学应是人们所需要的精神食粮
- 作者：孙小礼 来源：教学与研究 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章
- 描述：神;二是获得正确的思想方法,科学的思维原则。我翻看了几本教材讲的实践概念,内容
- 美育应是学校体育任务之一
- 作者：苏继芳 来源：烟台师院学报社会科学版 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章
- 描述：美育应是学校体育任务之一
- 小篆应是形成于战国
- 作者：暂无 来源：编创之友 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 小篆 战国时期 战国文字 秦始皇 师范学院 诅楚文 李斯 秦国 学报 制作
- 描述：诅楚文》三石等,上面的文字的结构、笔形,都和后世所谓的小篆基本相同;约二十件战国时期秦的兵
- 应是“岁赋其二”
- 作者：赵进一 来源：语文学习 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章
- 描述：《反训举隅》一文(见1984年第3期《语文学习》)对"赋"字的正反二义,其中一义是"给予",举了"税赋其二"(《捕蛇者说》)为例。愚以不然。 1."税赋其二"在原文中是"岁赋其二",并非"税赋其二"。
- 岸遥生白发 波尽露青山--访著名法学家李浩培教授
- 作者：刘俍 来源：法学杂志 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 国际法学 国际私法 法学家 法律顾问 法学体系 研究工作 中国共产党 外交部 教授 新气象
- 描述：一位这样的老学者。八月的一天,我来到北京朝阳区一幢普通的宿舍楼里,访问了这位著名的国际法专家。李浩培先生见我到来,笑着起身相迎。他已是七十八岁高龄,但仍然精神矍烁,步履稳健。据说,他过去一直坚持全天
- 「学案」体裁产生的思想背景：从李绂的「陆子学谱」谈起
- 作者：黄进兴 来源：汉学研究 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章
- 描述： historiography. In this essay, I will try to clarify how Huang's work departs from the older, more traditional styles used by historical analysts. Specifically, the Ming-ju will be examined from the vantage of precendent-in particular, the degree to which it follows the modes of presentation employed by the "intellectual geneaologies" (hsueh-pu or, yuan-yuan lu) and, the extent to which it departs from tradition by transforming content rather than form. For many, the rise of the school of Wang Yang-ming during the sixteenth century signalled not only a revival of the teachings of Lu Hsiang-shan but also rekindled the intense debates of almost forgotten issues previously argued by those who adhered to the school of Chu Hsi and those who held to the theories of Lu Hsiang-shan. From the middle-Ming period onward, however, the conflicts generated by these two schools of thought began to extend well beyond the realm of academic argument. As both Chan Chien and Ku Yen-wu noted, their bickering began to influence such extra-intellectual areas as how the civil-service examinations should be organized. As these conflicts continued to broaden and to deepen, both schools felt impelled to strengthen their philosophical positions and to purify the accounts of their intellectual origins. As such, the construction of an "intellectual geneaology" became a major device used either to undermine the "legitimacy" of the learning of the opposition or to explain how the contending school had, indeed, inherited the transmission of the true Way. Since this sort of approach encouraged a strong sense of faction-spirit, it was only a question of time until it would be deemed biased. And, it was precisely because of the unevenness in evaluating issues exhibited by these compilations that Huang Tsung-hsi felt compelled to compose the "Philosophical Records"--a work at once noteworthy for its ability to bring impartiality and objectivity to historical analysis. Yet, if the "Philosophical Records" is juxtaposed against the "geneaologies" the difference between these two works tends to pale when one realizes that the compositional style employed by both is, essentially, the same. Here, the "Philosophical Records" can hardly be viewed as presenting one with a radical departure from precedent. Rather, Huang's work derives its import from the refreshing non-partisan approach it brings to the analysis of historical issues. Instead of writing intellectual history with a view toward proving various predetermined value-judgments, the "Philosophical Records" uses exposition to explore the multifarious realms that inform "historical reality" in all its variety and fullness.