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- 王安石《明妃曲》唱和简析
- 作者：嚴杰 来源：古典文献研究 年份：2010 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 王安石 王昭君 昭君出塞 琵琶 宋人 表现手段 夷狄 简析 同情 人生
- 描述：歌詠王昭君,是自古以来的传统题材,诗篇多矣。面临如此积累,对于宋人来说,能自出新意纔算好诗。诚如曹雪芹《红楼梦》第六十四回借薛宝钗之口所说:"做诗不论何题,只要善翻古人之意。若要随人脚踪走去,纵使字句精工,已落第二义,究竟算不得好诗。即如前人所
- 王安石《明妃曲》在宋代的接受
- 作者：付佳 来源：人文杂志 年份：2014 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 王安石 《明妃曲》 宋代 认同 曲解
- 描述：及新法的政治否定和诋毁,另一方面则是在这一政治背景下理学与新学彼此消长过程中在学术、政治地位上的激烈争斗.故宋代对《明妃曲》的接受史突出地反映了诗歌与政治、学术的紧密联系甚至混淆对于诗歌接受过程深刻
- 读“华(huā)”,还是读“华huá”?
- 作者：丁勤中 佟海梅 来源：现代语文(理论研究版) 年份：2004 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： “华” 王安石 《游褒禅山记》 读音 中学 语文
- 描述：读“华(huā)”,还是读“华huá”?
- 晚年王安石与吕惠卿——从《全宋文》的一篇误收文字谈起
- 作者：高纪春 来源：抚州师专学报 年份：2001 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 《全宋文》 王安石 吕惠卿
- 描述：《全宋文》李定文中误收了王安石晚年退居金陵期间写给吕惠卿的一封书信，这封信和现存另外两封王安石致吕惠卿的书信一道，为我们提供了晚年王安石与吕惠卿释憾复欢的证据。
- 不应该出现的失误：从上海S版高中语文教参中的一句错误译文谈起
- 作者：陈洪团 来源：现代语文(教学研究版) 年份：2008 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 高中语文 上海 译文 《游褒禅山记》 语文教学参考书 教参 语文新教材 王安石
- 描述：这样做的。
- 注册不应是商标保护的前提(上)——从蒙牛“酸酸乳”案谈起
- 作者：唐广良 来源：法人杂志 年份：2006 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 商标保护 注册 蒙牛 可识别性 法律保护 酸 保护性
- 描述：一个特定的标识能否获得商标保护,惟一的条件就是其可识别性,注册不应再是商标受法律保护的前提条件,从基础立法上解决未注册商标的可保护性问题才是正确的方向
- 陆九渊心学诠释学思想辨析：从“六经注我”与“我注六经”谈起
- 作者：彭启福 来源：安徽师范大学学报(人文社会科学版) 年份：2011 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 诠释学 心学 六经注我
- 描述：九渊心学诠释学的德性优先主义立场。
- 动物福利与建设慈善社会：从刘绍宽论西人禁止国际禽羽贸易谈起
- 作者：孙邦金 来源：温州大学学报(社会科学版) 年份：2011 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 动物福利 慈善社会 刘绍宽 宋恕 禽羽贸易
- 描述：近代温州乃至整个中国在动物福利方面的进步与缺失。回顾这段历史，对于破除人道主义思想中偏狭的人类中心主义成见，建设慈善温州、生态温州乃至建设和谐中国，皆不无借鉴意义。
- 「学案」体裁产生的思想背景：从李绂的「陆子学谱」谈起
- 作者：黄进兴 来源：汉学研究 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章
- 描述： historiography. In this essay, I will try to clarify how Huang's work departs from the older, more traditional styles used by historical analysts. Specifically, the Ming-ju will be examined from the vantage of precendent-in particular, the degree to which it follows the modes of presentation employed by the "intellectual geneaologies" (hsueh-pu or, yuan-yuan lu) and, the extent to which it departs from tradition by transforming content rather than form. For many, the rise of the school of Wang Yang-ming during the sixteenth century signalled not only a revival of the teachings of Lu Hsiang-shan but also rekindled the intense debates of almost forgotten issues previously argued by those who adhered to the school of Chu Hsi and those who held to the theories of Lu Hsiang-shan. From the middle-Ming period onward, however, the conflicts generated by these two schools of thought began to extend well beyond the realm of academic argument. As both Chan Chien and Ku Yen-wu noted, their bickering began to influence such extra-intellectual areas as how the civil-service examinations should be organized. As these conflicts continued to broaden and to deepen, both schools felt impelled to strengthen their philosophical positions and to purify the accounts of their intellectual origins. As such, the construction of an "intellectual geneaology" became a major device used either to undermine the "legitimacy" of the learning of the opposition or to explain how the contending school had, indeed, inherited the transmission of the true Way. Since this sort of approach encouraged a strong sense of faction-spirit, it was only a question of time until it would be deemed biased. And, it was precisely because of the unevenness in evaluating issues exhibited by these compilations that Huang Tsung-hsi felt compelled to compose the "Philosophical Records"--a work at once noteworthy for its ability to bring impartiality and objectivity to historical analysis. Yet, if the "Philosophical Records" is juxtaposed against the "geneaologies" the difference between these two works tends to pale when one realizes that the compositional style employed by both is, essentially, the same. Here, the "Philosophical Records" can hardly be viewed as presenting one with a radical departure from precedent. Rather, Huang's work derives its import from the refreshing non-partisan approach it brings to the analysis of historical issues. Instead of writing intellectual history with a view toward proving various predetermined value-judgments, the "Philosophical Records" uses exposition to explore the multifarious realms that inform "historical reality" in all its variety and fullness.