检索结果相关分组
- 旅游解说词应是开放式文体
- 作者：张弭家 来源：应用写作 年份：2000 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 解说词 导游员 开放式 游客 旅游行业 自然景物 应用文体 旅游服务 美文 撰写
- 描述：说词不能适应自然景物变化及游客层次差别的问题。旅游界有句名言:"世界上没有两次完全相同的
- 论包恢的三种"自然"说
- 作者：陈良运 来源：抚州师专学报 年份：1996 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 包恢 心学 美学 自然 主体 客体 文体
- 描述：摒去人工匠气，臻至“天巧”境界。包恢的诗学以心学为根柢，在宋代程、朱理学家的诗论中别树一帜，是中国诗学批评史上颇有光彩的一家。
- 冯渠大队学赶高西沟思想、土地、技术三变样
- 作者：暂无 来源：人民黄河 年份：1965 文献类型 ：期刊文章
- 描述：在米脂东北部的榆林沟里,有个山上修满层层梯田、山下住着一百多户社员的村庄,这就是奋勇追赶陕北水保红旗队高西沟的冯渠大队。一九六三年,县委发出向高西沟学习的号召后,得到了冯渠大队广大贫下中农社员的积极响应。但
- 北宋道士陈景元的老学思想新探:[《道德真经藏室篡微篇》]
- 作者：尹志华 来源：世界宗教研究 年份：2004 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 老子 哲学思想 著作研究 道德真经藏室篡微篇
- 描述：、中、下三等;(4)将“无为”的内涵诠释为“不越性分”.
- 张横渠礼学思想的基本特征及其对朝鲜曹南冥学派的影响
- 作者：林乐昌 来源：中国哲学史 年份：2007 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 礼学思想 曹南冥 学派 朝鲜 中国历史 司马光 王安石 学者
- 描述：皆甚高，而张载（字子厚，学者称横渠先生，1020～1077）对礼学尤其重视，著有《横渠张氏祭礼》、《冠婚丧祭礼》、
- 陆九渊心学诠释学思想辨析：从“六经注我”与“我注六经”谈起
- 作者：彭启福 来源：安徽师范大学学报(人文社会科学版) 年份：2011 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 诠释学 心学 六经注我
- 描述：九渊心学诠释学的德性优先主义立场。
- 词与诗的对接：论北宋词学尊体思想的发展流变
- 作者：许博 来源：文学评论丛刊 年份：2010 文献类型 ：期刊文章 关键词： 尊体史 尊词体 发展流变 北宋词 以诗为词 苏轼 晏几道 词学理论 对接 词学思想
- 描述：词学资料看,北宋的词
- 「学案」体裁产生的思想背景：从李绂的「陆子学谱」谈起
- 作者：黄进兴 来源：汉学研究 年份：1984 文献类型 ：期刊文章
- 描述： historiography. In this essay, I will try to clarify how Huang's work departs from the older, more traditional styles used by historical analysts. Specifically, the Ming-ju will be examined from the vantage of precendent-in particular, the degree to which it follows the modes of presentation employed by the "intellectual geneaologies" (hsueh-pu or, yuan-yuan lu) and, the extent to which it departs from tradition by transforming content rather than form. For many, the rise of the school of Wang Yang-ming during the sixteenth century signalled not only a revival of the teachings of Lu Hsiang-shan but also rekindled the intense debates of almost forgotten issues previously argued by those who adhered to the school of Chu Hsi and those who held to the theories of Lu Hsiang-shan. From the middle-Ming period onward, however, the conflicts generated by these two schools of thought began to extend well beyond the realm of academic argument. As both Chan Chien and Ku Yen-wu noted, their bickering began to influence such extra-intellectual areas as how the civil-service examinations should be organized. As these conflicts continued to broaden and to deepen, both schools felt impelled to strengthen their philosophical positions and to purify the accounts of their intellectual origins. As such, the construction of an "intellectual geneaology" became a major device used either to undermine the "legitimacy" of the learning of the opposition or to explain how the contending school had, indeed, inherited the transmission of the true Way. Since this sort of approach encouraged a strong sense of faction-spirit, it was only a question of time until it would be deemed biased. And, it was precisely because of the unevenness in evaluating issues exhibited by these compilations that Huang Tsung-hsi felt compelled to compose the "Philosophical Records"--a work at once noteworthy for its ability to bring impartiality and objectivity to historical analysis. Yet, if the "Philosophical Records" is juxtaposed against the "geneaologies" the difference between these two works tends to pale when one realizes that the compositional style employed by both is, essentially, the same. Here, the "Philosophical Records" can hardly be viewed as presenting one with a radical departure from precedent. Rather, Huang's work derives its import from the refreshing non-partisan approach it brings to the analysis of historical issues. Instead of writing intellectual history with a view toward proving various predetermined value-judgments, the "Philosophical Records" uses exposition to explore the multifarious realms that inform "historical reality" in all its variety and fullness.